Issues of Identity Development Among Asian-American Lesbians and Gay Men

CONNIE S. CHAN

This study examined the factors that affect an Asian-American individual's choice of identification with Asian-American and lesbian or gay identity. Nineteen Asian-American lesbians and 16 AsianAmerican gay men belonging to Asian-American lesbian or gay organizations answered survey questionnaires. Results indicated that most of the respondents identified more strongly with their lesbian or gay identities than with their Asian-American identities; however, most indicated that acknowledgment of both aspects of identity was preferred. Other situational factors, including disclosure of lesbian or gay identity to family and to the Asian-American community, as well as discrimination because of sexual orientation, race, and gender, were examined in regard to identity development.

he study of identity development for ethnic minority lesbians and gay men has previously examined identity development in the context of ethnic minority and lesbian or gay identity models (Espin, 1987; Wooden, Kawasaki, & Mayeda, 1983).

Both studies used the theoretical Model of Homosexual Identity Formation (Cass, 1979) as a model for understanding the six stages of development that an individual moves through in developing an integrated identity as a homosexual person. Cass's six stages are (1) Identity Confusion, during which an individual realizes that feelings and behaviors can be defined as homosexual, creating conflict about his or her identity, which both the individual and the environment had previously defined as heterosexual; (2) Identity Comparison, which occurs after the possibility of being homosexual has been acknowledged the task of this stage is to handle the social alienation that now arises because of feeling "different" and having a sense of "not belonging" to subgroups such as peers and family; (3) Identity Tolerance, during which there is an increased commitment to homosexual identity and the process of contacting other homosexuals to counter the isolation and alienation begins, but the individual tolerates rather than accepts a homosexual identity; (4) Identity Acceptance, characterized by continued and increasing contacts with other homosexuals to validate and normalize homosexuality as an identity and as a way of life; (5) Identity Pride, characterized by the incongruity that exists between the individual's acceptance of oneself as a homosexual and society's rejection of this concept, resulting in the devaluing of heterosexuals and pride in disclosure of one's identity as a homosexual; (6) Identity Synthesis, when an individual is now able to integrate his or her homosexual identity with all other aspects of self and no longer sees a clear dichotomy between the heterosexual and homosexual world.

In her study of identity development among Latina lesbian women, Espin (1987) also used the Minority Identity Development Model (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1979) as a model for understanding Latina identity. The five stages of this model are (1) Conformity, characterized by a preference for dominant cultural values over one's own culture; (2) Dissonance, characterized by cultural confusion and conflict, challenging accepted values and beliefs; (3) Resistance and Immersion, when an individual actively rejects the dominant society and culture and endorses only minority-held views; (4) Introspection, when an individual questions the too-narrow restrictions of the previous stage and feels conflicted between loyalty to his or her own ethnic group and personal autonomy; (5) Synergetic Articulation and Awareness, when individuals experience a sense of self-fulfillment with their cultural identity and accept or reject cultural values on the basis of individual merit or prior experience. As Espin (1987) noted, these two models of identity development are remarkably similar in describing a process that

... Must be undertaken by people who must embrace negative or stigmatized identities. This process moves gradually from a rejected and denied self-image to the embracing of an identity that is finally accepted as positive. Both models describe one or several stages of intense confusion and at least one stage of complete separatism from and rejection of the dominant society. The final stage for both models implies the acceptance of one's own identity, a committed attitude against oppression, and an ability to synthesize the best values of both perspectives and to communicate with members of the dominant groups. (p. 39)

Each model, however, presents a means for understanding identity development of either homosexual identity or ethnic minority identity. How does an individual who is gay or lesbian and a member of an ethnic minority group come to terms with identity issues?

Two studies have examined these questions. In her study of 16 Latina lesbians, Espin (1987) found that her respondents expressed a desire to identify as both Latina and lesbian, with varying degrees of success. She concluded that Latina lesbians face a fundamental dilemma: the conflict of the fear of stigmatization in the Hispanic community as lesbians versus the loss of support for their identity as Hispanics in the mainstream gay community. Espin concluded that, although it is impossible to determine that one aspect of the identity of these Latina lesbians is more important than another, each individual makes her own choice as to those alternatives that are most tolerable,

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Identity Development Among Asian-American Lesbians and Gay Men

whether it is living among Cubans in Miami or among White Anglos in a lesbian or gay community.

In their study of 13 Japanese-American gay men, Wooden et al. (1983) found that the men's lack of gay political activism and their reservations about synthesizing all aspects of their identity through a more visible gay self-presentation reflected identities of identity tolerance and identity pride, the third and fourth stages in the six-stage Cass (1979) Model of Homosexual Identity Formation. Only half of their respondents were open with their families about their gay identity. Wooden et al. suggested that their respondents' reservations about being more visibly and actively gay may be partially explained by their fears of nonacceptance in the Japanese-American community.

Although Wooden's study did not focus primarily on cultural issues, it is likely that conflicting cultural values may help to explain some of the respondents' reluctance to identify themselves as openly gay. In Asian cultures being gay is frequently viewed as a rejection of the most important of roles for women and men that of being a wife and mother for women and that of a father carrying on the family line through procreation of heirs for men. The family is valued as the primary social unit throughout a person's life, and the most important obligation, especially as a son, is the continuation of the family through marriage and the bearing of children. If a daughter or son is lesbian or gay, the implication is that not only is the child rejecting the traditional role of a wife-mother or son-father but also that the parents have failed in their role and that the child is rejecting the importance of family and Asian culture. Because identification as lesbian or gay may be perceived as a rejection of Asian cultural values, Asian-American lesbians and gay men can be considered to have conflicting dual identities. On one hand, to be lesbian or gay is to reject traditional family roles and cultural values; however, to identify as being Asian American may require negating one's lesbian or gay identity, at least within the family. How do individuals who identify as being both lesbian-gay and Asian American develop their dual identities? Does an individual usually identify more strongly with either a lesbian-gay or ethnic-minority identity?

What are some of the factors that might help in understanding the issues of development of a dual identity? This study examined the following factors and looked at their effects on the concept of ethnic minority and lesbian or gay identity among Asian-American lesbians and gay men:

1. Activism and participation in the Asian-American and lesbian-gay communities

2. Choice of community (Asian American versus lesbian or gay) in which individuals felt more comfortable 3. Self-definition of identity

4. Disclosure or nondisclosure of lesbian or gay identity to their families

5. Asian cultural factors in acceptance of lesbianism or gay-

ness

6. Perceptions of lesbian and gay Asian Americans by the lesbian-gay community, the Asian-American community, and the mainstream American society

7. Perceptions of discrimination because they are lesbian or gay or Asian American or because they are both lesbian-gay and Asian American

Participants

METHOD

The participants were 19 women and 16 men between the ages of 21 and 36 who identified themselves as being both lesbian-

gay and Asian American. The term Asian American was not defined in the questionnaire but included all persons of Asian descent in the study. Of the respondents, 90% were of Chinese, Korean, or Japanese ancestry, with the remaining 10% from Filipino, Bangladesh, and Indian backgrounds.

Sixty questionnaires were distributed at two events: a retreat of an organization called Asian Lesbians of the East Coast and at a film showing sponsored by the Alliance for Massachusetts Asian Lesbians and Gay Men. Nineteen women and 16 men completed questionnaires that were returned by mail within 1 month to make up the present sample of 35 questionnaires.

Measures

The four-page questionnaire consisted of 35 items, including five demographic information questions and several questions related to the issues of community affiliation, "coming out," identity, and discrimination. Most of the questions were openended, with six questions offering multiple-choice answers such as "In which community do you feel more comfortable? Asian American, Lesbian or Gay, Neither." The questionnaire was developed after a pretrial sampling of seven lesbian or gay Asian Americans and feedback from several ethnic minority lesbian and gay researchers to whom the preliminary questionnaire was presented. The questionnaire was completely anonymous.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Given the small sample and the exploratory nature of this study, the results of this survey were analyzed through the use of qualitative methods (Bogdan & Taylor, 1975). Except where it is specifically noted that the answers to a question were different for lesbians than for gay men in the sample, the answers were not differentiated by gender.

Characteristics of the group. Eight of the 35 respondents were first-generation Asian Americans (they were born in Asia), 19 were second-generation, and the remaining 8 were third-, fourth-, or fifth-generation Asian Americans. Their educational background was high, with more than 90% having attended college. Most of the respondents were working in professional occupations or attending graduate school. All respondents were currently living on the East Coast.

Table 1 is a summary and compilation of the questionnaire results, which are discussed below.

Social and political activity. Because this survey questionnaire was distributed at two Asian lesbian-gay events, the sample group was expected to reflect an interest in both Asian and lesbian-gay activities. Surprisingly, most of the respondents indicated that they did not attend social or political events in the Asian-American community but did attend similar events in the lesbian-gay community. Many in this group responded that the only Asian-American events they attended were lesbian-gay Asian events but said they would participate in lesbian-gay events that were not Asian oriented.

Choice of community. When asked, "In which community do you feel more comfortable (Asian American or lesbian-gay) and why?", the respondents who chose the lesbian-gay community gave the following reasons:

• "The Asian community feels too conservative to me."

• "I have more in common with gay men than with straight Asians."

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